I have published several posts in this blog and my old one criticizing the Bush administration's approach and justification for the Iraq war. But, as opposed as I am to the administration, I am equally uncomfortable with much of the liberal opposition to the war. Michael Moore's film
Fahrenheit 9/11 has been criticized for, among other things, painting something of an idyllic picture of Baathist Iraq, a desert oasis of smiling, happy children ruined by American clumsiness. Just today, I read the following on page 16 of the 7/30/2004 issue of
Entertainment Weekly: "We felt really guilty about what our country had done to [Iraqi production intern Muthana Mudher's] country," says producer Peter Saraf. "And then, of course, he gets here, and it never occurred to me that he would say something like 'But I love George Bush--he changed my life!'" There is too much of this kind of sanctimonious drivel from opponents of the war, people who can't get their minds around the idea that someone might actually be appreciative of a nation that has freed him from a tyrant. I see too much of this driving the Kerry campaign's support, especially among the "anyone but Bush again" crowd.
The issue is not that the war was somehow immoral, that we somehow destroyed a wonderful country. From a purely political perspective, this is an argument that Bush will win any day of the week, and twice on Sunday. All he has to do is trot out pictures of Hussein torture chambers and Iraq's mass graves and ask, "Tell me again how deposing this guy was an evil thing?" Saddam was a brutal, sadistic, evil dictator. It is an honorable thing to have taken him down. It remains to be seen, however, if we have truly made Iraq better. We'll have to wait and see what government takes root to replace Saddam. The ability of a president opposed to the concept of nation building to build a better Iraq or Afghanistan is a legitimate issue to raise. It is also legitimate to ask the cost of committing a large segment, even a majority, of US combat forces to Iraq, where vital security interests were not at stake.
War is not immoral simply because we attack first. Germany in 1941 had never once launched a single attack against the United States. (Yes, the Germans attacked US ships in the Atlantic, but by then, the US was waging undeclared war against German subs to protect convoys to Britain.) Hitler had even mocked FDR on the question of Germany attacking the US. Yet, most would consider the US war on Germany a morally justified war. War is not immoral simply because others decide to not join us. If your neighbor decides not to put an alarm in his house, are you going to say, "Well, I worry about someone robbing me, but Joe across the street doesn't think anyone will, so I won't put the alarm in?" Of course not. Your sense of security in your home is not dictated by what your neighbor's think, anymore than our national security is determined by France or Russia.
The primary issue in the Iraq war, rather, is the
process by which the decision to go to war was reached. The justification for the war was intelligence data which indicated Iraq stockpiling weapons of mass destruction and associating with terrorists, including al Qaida. This intelligence was portrayed as being so strong, the argument was, in the immortal words of CIA Directory Tenet, a "slam dunk." We now know this intelligence was incredibly spotty, based on unreliable information, and sometimes bordered on fiction. A properly run administration would have
ascertained the weakness of the information. There would have been extensive questioning of the data and interpretations, arguments back and forth discussing the reliability of the information, a thorough vetting of the claims. Instead, the conclusions supported preconceived notions of the president and his neocon cohorts. Since the data supported what was already "known", the president effectively decided no further examination was required. Furthermore, since it supported what he "knew", it was obviously reliable data.
Our national security is founded on intelligence gathering. It always has been. Only with proper intelligence can we battle our elusive, shadowy enemies. We have to be able to trust what our intelligence agencies tell us, and what our leaders tell us about what the agencies say. By improperly vetting the intelligence data, exaggerating the reliability of the intelligence, and waging a war in which nearly 1000 Americans have, so far, died, the president has undermined our trust in the intelligence community. The president claims he has made us safer. On the contrary, he has put us considerably more at risk.
To see what happens when people lose faith in the intelligence process, look at public responses to the
silly alert system the Department of Homeland Security invented. The first time Director Ridge raised the level to orange, there was panic. There were runs on grocery stores and duct tape. In the end, nothing happened and the alert level went back to normal, er, elevated. What happened the second time Ridge raised the alert to orange. Nothing.
Nada.
Rien.
Nichts. No one paid attention. With one false alarm, the public became immune to the warnings given out by the government.
What will happen the next time President Bush tells us of reliable intelligence information that al Qaida is connected to someone, say Iran? Will anyone outside his die-hard supporters believe him? What if that information is actually right? Mrs. Bush is a librarian and the president is known to read books to children. Maybe she ought to get him a copy of the
Boy Who Cried Wolf sometime.
By exaggerating evidence that wasn't there, no one will listen when the president tells us the real deal about some other country. That puts this country at risk. We have a president we cannot trust to make informed decisions based on facts. This is the danger to our country. Let's stop muting the point by weeping over a fallen tyrant.